Greece faces the unenviable choice between accepting the terms of “the Troika” and facing the continuation and deepening of a socio-economic crises, which includes five years of negative growth, over 23% unemployment, an astronomical rise in poverty (from less than 15% to over 40%) and mounting suicides, or a rejection of the memorandum, and a likely cut-off of Eurozone funding and capital markets with virtually few reserves to cover salaries, pensions or public services.

is a truism to say that democracy began with the Greeks – less so to say that it originated in popular rebellion against debt and debt-bondage. Yet, with the Greek people ensnared once more in the vice-grip of rich debt-holders, it may be useful to recall that fact. For the only hope today of reclaiming democracy in Greece (and elsewhere) resides in the prospect of a mass uprising against modern debt-bondage that extends the rule of the people into the economic sphere.

In each of the three decisive moments of recent history, Greece has been pulled backwards from a chance for social transformation, political independence and freedom from external tutelage by one and another of the Papandreou family.

The series of events that occurred from 1941-1949 and 1965-1974 give rise to Greece’s current state today. The complicated and dramatic course of the war and civil war in Greece has, for lack of parties interested in reconstructing the truth of events, has never before been narrated in full. I am a direct descendent of the ELAS (Greek Peoples Liberation Army). I have relied on testimony painstakingly collected from survivors of this tragedy.

In February and March, 2005, hundreds of thousands of workers protested in the streets of Paris and other large cities against the current conservative government’s attempt to erode the 35-hour week. So far, however, these protests have not prevented premier minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin from realizing his plans for the reform of the 35-hour legislation.